their efforts to economically develop and reduce poverty77 through trade
concessions, debt relief, increased official development assistance (ODA),78
and increased access to pharmaceutical medications. 79
Evidently, therefore, the success of this MDG, in terms of improving
overall wellbeing in developing countries hinges on two critical factors,
namely, serious commitment of governments in these nations to good
governance and unflinching support of development initiatives by wealthy
nations. Regarding governance, whilst there are bright spots in certain
countries (Ghana and Botswana, for instance) the vast majority of third world
leaders are more committed to their pockets; consequently, achieving this
MDG’s goals is contingent upon on two critical factors: ( i) political leaders’
commitment to good governance, and ( ii) reliable support for development
initiatives from donor states. 80 However, the former factor runs contrary to
the vast majority of how most African political leaders govern:
They see the state as a source of personal wealth accumulation. There is
high premium on the control of the state, which is the biggest and most
easily accessible source of wealth accumulation. The people in power and
those who seek power use all means to attain their goal . . . Many of the
apparently senseless civil conflicts in Africa . . . are due to the battle for
the spoils of power. 81
Africa’s crisis of self-governance has gotten so bad that even well-intentioned Africans are explicitly advocating neocolonialism. In a 1996 New
York Times interview, George Weah, popular Liberian footballer who
contested in that country’s presidential election in 2005, intones the view of
many of his countrymen, the “United Nations should come in and take over
Liberia, not temporarily, but for life.” 82 In substantiation of this seemingly
odd position, Weah explains, that is the only way “to make Liberians believe
in democracy, to make us believe in human rights.” 83 For better or worse,
Weah’s disillusion with the political class in Africa runs deep throughout the
length and breadth of the region. 84 Many have given up hope for anything
77. UN, supra note 52, Target 8. A.
78. UN, supra note 52, Target 8. B, 8. D.
79. UN, supra note 52, Target 8.E.
80. See Law Comes First, THE ECONOMIST (June3, 2015), http://www.economist.
and-rule-law-again-law-first; see generally UN, supra note 52.
81. Tunde Obadina, Africa’s Crisis of Governance, AFR. ECON. ANALYSIS, (2000),
available at http://www.afbis.com/analysis/crisis.htm.
82. Howard W. French, Soccer Hero Voices Liberia’s Anguish, N.Y. Times (May 20,